Шпаргалка по "Стилистике"

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Работа содержит ответы на вопросы для экзамена (зачета) по "Стилистике"

Прикрепленные файлы: 31 файл

1.General defenitions of style and stylistics.doc

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10. Essential concepts of emotive prose.doc

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11. Special colloquial vocabulary.doc

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12.SEMI-MARKED STRUCTURES. .doc

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13. Phonetic expressive means and stylistic devices. Onomatopoeis. Alliteration.doc

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14. Figures of quality..doc

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15. Lexical expressive means and stylistic devices. .doc

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16. Scientific prose style..doc

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18. Essential concepts of semantic field.doc

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2. Essential concepts of decoding stylistics.doc

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20. Essential concepts od defeated expectancy.doc

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21. Syntactical expressive means and stylistic devices.doc

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24. PUBLICISTIC STYLE. ORATORY AND SPEECHES.doc

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26. Stylistic morphology. Morphological synonomy..doc

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27. Syntactical expressive means.doc

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28. STYLISTIC GRAPHOLOGY. THE NOTION OF GRAPHONES.doc

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29. The history of stylistics.doc

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3. ESSENTIAL CONCEPTS OF PUBLICIST (MEDIA) STYLE.doc

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30.Types of foregrounding.doc

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31. Figures of replacement.doc

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32. Essentials concepts of stylistics of paradigmatics and syntegmatics. (the theory of Y. M. Skrebnev).doc

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4. English literary language. Varieties of language. Types of lexical mng..doc

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4. English literary language. Varieties of language. Types of lexical mng.

A literary language is a register of a language that is used in literary writing. This may also include liturgical writing. The difference between literary and non-literary (vernacular) forms is more marked in some languages than in others. Where there is a strong divergence, the language is said to exhibit diglossia.

Literary language is a register that is used in literary criticism and general discussion on some literary work.(tahir) For much of its history there has been a distinction in the English language between an elevated literary language and a colloquial language.[2] After the Norman conquest of England, for instance, Latin and French displaced English as the official and literary languages[3] and Standard literary English did not emerge until the end of the Middle Ages.[4] At this time and into the renaissance, the practice of aureation (the introduction of terms from classical languages, often through poetry) was an important part of the reclamation of status for the English language, and many historically aureate terms are now part of general common usage. Modern English no longer has quite the same distinction between literary and colloquial registers.[2]

 

English has been used as a literary language in countries that were formerly part of the British Empire, for instance India up to the present day,[5] Malaysia in the early twentieth century,[6] and Nigeria, where English remains the official language.

4.3. Language varieties:

regional, social, occupational

The particular set of features, which identifies a language variety, does not represent the features of the language as a whole. Variety features depend on the presence of certain factors in a social situation. Classifications of these factors vary, but we may group them into two types according to most general dimensions: sociolinguistic and stylistic factors.

Sociolinguistic factors are connected with very broad situational constraints on language use. They chiefly identify the regional and social varieties of the language. They are relatively permanent features of the spoken and written language, over which we have comparatively little conscious control. We tend not to change our regional or social

group way of speaking in every-day communication and usually we are not aware of using it.

Stylistic factors relate to restrictions on language use that are much more narrowly constrained, and identify individual preferences in usage (phraseology, special vocabulary, language of literature) or the varieties that are associated with occupational groups (lawyers, journalists, scholars). These are features, over which we are able to exercise some degree of conscious control.

As David Crystal, a famous British linguist puts it, regional language variation of English provides a geographical answer to the question 'Where are you from, in the English-speaking world?'

Social language variation provides an answer to a somewhat different question 'Who are you?' or 'What are you in the eyes of the English-speaking society to which you belong?' (33, p. 393). Actually social variation provides several possible answers, because people may acquire several identities as they participate in the social structure. One and the same person may belong to different social groups and perform different social roles. A person may at the same time be described as 'a parent', 'a wife', 'an architect', 'a feminist', 'a senior citizen', 'a member of Parliament', 'an amateur sculptor', 'a theatre-goer'; the possibffities may be endless.

Any of these identities can have consequences for the kind of language we use. Language more than anything else will testify to our permanent and temporary roles in social life.

Some features of social variation lead to particular linguistic consequences. In many ways our pronunciation, choice of words and constructions, general strategy of communication are defined by the

age, sex and socio-economic aspects. Choice of occupation has a less predictable influence, though in some contexts, e. g. medicine or law it can be highly distinctive.

Adopting a specific social role, such as making a congratulatory speech or conducting a panel talk, invariably entails a choice of appropriate linguistic forms.

Across the world attitudes to social variation differ a lot. All countries display social stratification, though some have more clearly defined boundaries than others and therefore more distinct features of class dialect. Britain is usually said to be linguistically more class-conscious than other English-speaking countries.

For example, in England one accent has traditionally dominated over all others and the notion of respectable social standing is usually associated with Received Pronunciation (RP), considered to be the 'prestige accent'.

However today with the breakdown of rigid divisions between social classes and the development of mass media RP is no longer the prerogative of social elite. Today it is best described as an 'educated' accent which actually has several varieties. Most educated people have developed an accent, which is a mixture of RP and various regional features that sometimes is called 'modified RP'.

This is one example that shows a general trend in modern English-regionally modified speech is no longer stigmatised as 'low', it can even be an advantage, expressing such social values as solidarity and democracy. A pure RP accent, by contrast can even evoke hostility, especially in those parts of Britain that have their own regional norms, e. g. Scotland and Wales.

Occupational varieties of the national language are normally associat¬ed with a particular way of earning a living. They belong to the group of stylistically determined varieties and differ from both regional and social sublanguages.

Features of language that identify people's geographical or social origins, once established can hardly change over a short period of time. It would be very difficult to change your accent if you move from one part of the country to another with a different regional norm; it is equally difficult to transform the linguistic indicators of our social background (vocabulary and structural expression).

Occupational varieties are not like that. Their linguistic features may be just as distinctive as regional or social features, but they are only in temporary use. They 'go with the territory' - adopted as we begin work and given up as we finish it. People who cannot stop 'talking shop' even when they are not at work are rather an exception to the rule.

Any professional field could serve as an illustration of occupation¬al linguistic identity. There are no class distinctions here. Factory workers have to master a special glossary of technical terms and administrative vocabulary (seniority labels, term of service, severance pay, fringe benefits, safety regulation) in order to carry out profes¬sional communication. To fulfil their tasks they develop jargon and professional slang, which set them apart from outsiders. The more specialised the occupation and the more senior or professional the position the more technical the language. Also, if an occupation has a long-lasting and firmly established tradition it is likely to have its own linguistic rituals which its members accept as a criterion of proficiency. The highly distinctive languages of law, government and religion provide the clearest cases, with their unique grammar,

vocabulary, and patterns of discourse. Of course, all occupations are linguistically distinctive to a certain degree. In some cases it involves only special terms; in others it may be a combination of linguistic features on different levels as will be shown in the last section of this chapter.

TYPES OF LEXICAL MEANING

Gaiperin operates three types of lexical meaning that are stylistically relevant  -  logical, emotive and nominal. He describes the stylistic colouring of words in terms of the interaction of these types of lexical meaning. Skrebnev maintains that connotations only show to what part of the national language a word belongs  -  one of the sub-languages (functional styles) or the neutral bulk. He only speaks about the stylistic component of the connotative meaning.


5. Expressiveness and emotiveness. Types of connotative mngs. Adherent and inherent types of connotations..doc

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6.1.Neutral, common literary and common colloquial vocabulary..doc

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6.Neutral, common literary and common colloquial vocabulary..doc

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7,9 - Special literary vocabulary..doc

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8. The belles-lettres style. Language of prose..doc

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Figures of quantity..doc

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Glossary for the Course of Stylistics.doc

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