Stylistics of the English language

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The book suggests the fundamentals of stylistic theory that outline such basic areas of research as expressive resources of the language, stylistic differentiation of vocabulary, varieties of the national language and sociolinguistic and pragmatic factors that determine functional styles.
The second chapter will take a student of English to the beginnings of stylistics in Greek and Roman schools of rhetoric and show how-much modern terminology and classifications of expressive means owe to rhetoric.

Содержание

Chapter 1. The Object of Stylistics 9
Problems of stylistic research 9
Stylistics of language and speech 14
Types of stylistic research and branches of stylistics 16
Stylistics and other linguistic disciplines 19
Stylistic neutrality and stylistic colouring 20
Stylistic function notion 24
Practice Section 28
Chapter 2. Expressive Resources of the Language 33
Expressive means and stylistic devices 34
Different classifications of expressive means .... 37
Hellenistic Roman rhetoric system 39
Stylistic theory and classification of expresssive means by G. Leech 45

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Chapter 4

The Theory of Functional Styles

The notion of style in functional stylistics. Correlation of style norm and function in the language. Language varieties: regional, social, occupational. An overview of functional style systems. Distinctive linguistic features of the major functional styles of English

4.1. The notion of style in functional stylistics

The notion of style has to do with how we use the language under specific circumstances for a specific purpose. The notion of using English, for instance, involves much more than using our knowledge of its linguistic structure. It also involves awareness of the numerous situations in which English can be used as a special medium of com- j munication with its own set of distinctive and recognizable features. The various branches of linguistics that investigate the topic, such as sociolinguistics, psycholinguistics, pragmatics, discourse analysis, textlinguistics, and stylistics present a remarkable range of methodologies and emphases. We'll be interested in how stylistic research treats of the subject. 

4.1. The notion of style in functional stylistics

Linguistic literature gives various definitions of the notion 'style' that generally boil down to the following three meanings of this term:

  • A variety of the national language traditionally used in one of the socially identifiable spheres of life that is characterised by a particular set of linguistic features, including vocabulary, grammar and pronunciation. These are chiefly associated with the social and regional varieties, such as educated, colloquial, low colloquial, dialectal, uneducated, etc. From this point of view the most broad and well known subdivision in many national languages today usually describes these varieties as neutral, literary (high) and colloquial (low): e. g. Cockney, upper-class, educated English.
  • Generally accepted linguistic identity of oral and written units of discourse, such as public speech, a lecture, a friendly letter, a newspaper article, etc. Such units demonstrate style not only in a special choice of linguistic means but in their very arrangement, i. e. composition of a speech act, that creates a category of text marked by oratory, scientific, familiar or publicist style.
  • Individual manner of expression determined by personal factors, such as educational background, professional experience, sense of humour, etc.: e.g. personal style of communication, the style of Pushkin's early poetry.

Style is our knowledge how language is used to create and interpret texts and conversational interactions. It involves being aware of the range of situations in which a language can be used in a distinctive

 

Chapter 4. The Theory of Functional Styles

and predictable way and of the possibilities available ю us when we want to produce or respond to creative uses of the language.

Stylistic features relate to constraints on language use that may be only temporary features of our spoken or written language. We often adopt different group uses of language as we go through our day; we may use a different style speaking with our children in the family, reporting to our boss at work or practicing sports. We change our speaking or writing style to make a particular effect: imitating somebody's accent when telling a story, giving a humorous account of events in an informal letter and so on. Style is first and foremost the result of our choice of content of our message and the appropriate range of language means to deliver the message effectively.

Uses of English in numerous situations that require definite stylistic features are studied by the theory of functional styles.

This theory involves consideration of such notions as norm and function in their relation to style.

4.2. Correlation of style, norm and function in the language

Any national language uses the notion of 'correct language' which involves conformity to the grammatical, lexical and phonetic standards accepted as normative in this society. The favoured variety is usually a version of the standard written language, especially as encountered in literature or in the formal spoken language that most closely reflects literary style. It is presented in dictionaries, grammars and other official manuals. Those who speak and write in this way 

4.2. Correlation of style, norm and function in the language

are said to be using language 'correctly', those who do not are said to be using it 'incorrectly'. Correct usage is associated with the notion of the linguistic norm. The norm is closely related to the system of the language as an abstract ideal system. The system provides and determines the general rules of usage of its elements, the norm is the actual use of these provisions by individual speakers under specific conditions of communication.

Individual use of the language implies a personal selection of linguistic means on all levels. When this use conforms to the general laws of the language this use will coincide with what is called the literary norm of the national language.

However the literary norm is not a homogeneous and calcified entity. It varies due to a number of factors, such as regional, social, situational, personal, etc.

The norm will be dictated by the social roles of the participants of communication, their age and family or other relations. An important role in the selection of this or that variety of the norm belongs to the purpose of the utterance, or its function. Informal language on a formal occasion is as inappropriate as formal language on an informal occasion. To say that a usage is appropriate is only to say that it is performing its function satisfactorily. We shall use different 'norms' speaking with elderly people and our peers, teachers and students, giving an interview or testimony in court. This brings us to the notion of the norm variation.

The prevailing public attitude is that certain forms of usage are "correct" and others — "incorrect". Teachers of English are supposed to know the difference between "right" and "wrong" in language. The real fact about usage in natural languages is that it is diverse

 

Chapter 4. The Theory of Functional Styles


and subject to change. Some scholars (R.I.McDavid) hold that "щ the usage of native speakers whatever is is right; but some usages are more appropriate than others, at least socially". What determines the appropriateness is the speakers' age, education, sophistication, social position (44, p. 20).

Others (J. Algeo) describe Standard English as current (neither old-fashioned nor faddishly new), widespread (not limited to a particular locale or group) and generally accepted (suggested instead of correct) (32, p. 23-24).

The norm of the language implies various realisations of the language structure that are sometimes called its subsystems, registers or J varieties.

I.V.Arnold presents these relations as a system of oppositions:

Structure : : norm : : individual use

National norm : : dialect

Neutral style : : colloquial style : : bookish style

Literary correct speech : : common colloquial

Functional styles are subsystems of the language and represent varieties of the norm of the national language. Their evolution and development has been determined by the specific factors of communication in various spheres of human activity. Each of them is characterised by its own parameters in vocabulary usage, syntactical expression, phraseology, etc.

The term 'functional style' reflects peculiar functions of the language in this or that type of communicative interaction. Proceeding from the generally acknowledged language functions Prof.  I. V. Arnold 

4.2. Correlation of style, norm and function in the language

 

             
 

'Function/ Style   

intellectual communicative

pragmatic

emotive

phatic

aesthetic

 

oratorical

+

+

+

+

+

 

colloquial

+

+

+

+

 

poetic

+

+

+

 

publicist and newspaper

+

+

+

 

official

+

+

 

scientific

+


suggested a description ot tunctionai styles oasea on tne comoinauon of the linguistic functions they fulfil.

The table presents functional styles as a kind of hierarchy according to the number of functions fulfilled by each style, oratorical and scientific being almost complete opposites.

However not all texts have boundaries that are easy to identify in the use of distinctive language. For example, the oratorical style has a lot of common features with the publicist one, which in its turn is often comparable with the style of humanities, such as political science, history or philosophy.

The point of departure for discerning functional styles is the so-called neutral style that is stylistically non-marked and reflects the norms of the language. It serves as a kind of universal background for the expression of stylistically marked elements in texts of any functional type. It can be rarely observed in the individual use of the language and as Skrebnev remarked, perhaps, only handbooks for foreigners and primers could be qualified as stylistically neutral (47, p. 22).

 

Chapter 4. The Theory of Functional Styles

4.3. Language varieties:

regional, social, occupational

The particular set of features, which identifies a language variety, does not represent the features of the language as a whole. Variety features depend on the presence of certain factors in a social situation. Classifications of these factors vary, but we may group them into two types according to most general dimensions: sociolinguistic and stylistic factors.

Sociolinguistic factors are connected with very broad situational constraints on language use. They chiefly identify the regional and social varieties of the language. They are relatively permanent features of the spoken and written language, over which we have comparatively little conscious control. We tend not to change our regional or social group way of speaking in every-day communication and usually we are not aware of using it.

Stylistic factors relate to restrictions on language use that are much more narrowly constrained, and identify individual preferences in usage (phraseology, special vocabulary, language of literature) or the varieties that are associated with occupational groups (lawyers, journalists, scholars). These are features, over which we are able to exercise some degree of conscious control.

As David Crystal, a famous British linguist puts it, regional language variation of English provides a geographical answer to the question 'Where are you from, in the English-speaking world?'

English is considered mother tongue in the UK, US, Australia, Ireland, New Zealand, Caribbean nations. In Canada and South Africa 

4.3. Language varieties: regional, social, occupational

English is one of the two native languages. Speakers of these countries use different kinds of English in different areas within these countries. These are regional varieties of English that are sometimes called regional dialects. We can see some differences in the use of English on the example of regional varieties of American English. In the speech of educated southerners one can hear such forms as seed, seen instead of saw or clam, dim, dome, doom, dum instead of the standard climbed. Bostonians use cleanser instead of dry cleaner's (compare examples from Russian — парадное used in St.-Petersburg for подъезд or гаманок used in the rural Urals and Siberia for кошелек).

Social language variation provides an answer to a somewhat different question 'Who are you?' or 'What are you in the eyes of the English-speaking society to which you belong?' (33, p. 393). Actually social variation provides several possible answers, because people may acquire several identities as they participate in the social structure. One and the same person may belong to different social groups and perform different social roles. A person may at the same time be described as 'a parent', 'a wife', 'an architect', 'a feminist', 'a senior citizen', 'a member of Parliament', 'an amateur sculptor', 'a theatre-goer'; the possibilities may be endless.

Any of these identities can have consequences for the kind of language we use. Language more than anything else will testify to our permanent and temporary roles in social life.

Some features of social variation lead to particular linguistic consequences. In many ways our pronunciation, choice of words and constructions, general strategy of communication are defined by the age, sex and socio-economic aspects. Choice of occupation has a less predictable influence, though in some contexts, e. g. medicine or law it can be highly distinctive.

 

Chapter 4. The Theory of Functional Styles 


— ■ 

Adopting a specific social role, such as making a congratulatory speech or conducting a panel talk, invariably entails a choice of appropriate linguistic forms.

Differences in language choices that correlate with the subject of discussion, the audience, the genre, the occasion and the purpose or the medium of communication are called registers.

In other words, we identify the uses to which language is put: the subject it treats, the circumstances in which it is used, the social relationships among its users and the purposes of its use. We adapt what we want to say or write to the circumstances in which we are communicating. We use different words in discussing politics, sports, theology or computer technologies. We arrange our sentences differently in talking to babies, bosses, close friends or making announcements, etc. Sentence structure differs between recipes, telegrams, stock-market reports and thank-you notes. English is pronounced differently from a pulpit or over the counter of a fast-order restaurant. The medium of communication is also relevant: when listening on the phone we have to make frequent responses: I see, oh, yes, well to let the person know we are still there and paying attention. They tell little about us as persons but a good deal about how we respond to the circumstances of communication. Regional and social variations depend on who we are, register depends on who we are communicating with, where, how, and about what. Registers are functional options available to us in social and personal communication.

We adapt our language to the occasion for which we use it. An important dimension of variation in English is the degree of formality of a language event stretching from the coronation of a British sovereign to a relaxed get-together of alumni. The continuum of formality may be arbitrarily divided into any number of subsegments 

4.3. Language varieties: regional, social, occupational

for purposes of discussion. For example, a presidential inauguration address may be labeled as ritual, a request to city officials for action as formal, a discussion among members of a civic club as collegial, a conversation between good friends as familiar, comments of husband and wife watching TV as intimate. Hardly any aspect of language -phonetic, lexical or grammatical - is the same in the five situations. Each of these situations calls for its own kind of language. The variety used in the intimate kind of talk would be ridiculous or even grotesque in a ritual speech and vice versa.

Across the world attitudes to social variation differ a lot. All countries display social stratification, though some have more clearly defined boundaries than others and therefore more distinct features of class dialect. Britain is usually said to be linguistically more class-conscious than other English-speaking countries.

In Great Britain the grammar and pronunciation used by educated people from the south of England, called Received Standard, have informally achieved highest status. Fostered by the public schools Winchester, Eton and the like as well as the two great universities, Oxford and Cambridge, Received Standard became the accepted national standard. Used normally by upper-class families RS as taught in the public schools to children of the newly rich has been one of the ways for the established order to accommodate the new wealth. RS was adopted as the usual model for teaching English to native speakers of other languages. The educational systems of the Commonwealth in Asia and Africa have been modeled on British practice and in Europe there still is a notion that RS is "better" or 'more elegant" than American English.

For example, in England one accent has traditionally dominated over all others and the notion of respectable social standing is usually

 

Chapter 4. The Theory of Functional Styles 

associated with Received Pronunciation (RP), considered to be the 'prestige accent'.

However today with the breakdown of rigid divisions between social classes and the development of mass media RP is no longer the j prerogative of social elite. Today it is best described as an 'educated' accent which actually has several varieties. Most educated people have developed an accent, which is a mixture of RP and various regional features that sometimes is called 'modified RP'.

This is one example that shows a general trend in modern English-regionally modified speech is no longer stigmatised as 'low', it can even be an advantage, expressing such social values as solidarity and democracy. A pure RP accent, by contrast can even evoke hostility, especially in those parts of Britain that have their own regional norms, e. g. Scotland and Wales.

Occupational varieties of the national language are normally associated with a particular way of earning a living. They belong to the group of stylistically determined varieties and differ from both regional and social sublanguages.

Features of language that identify people's geographical or social origins, once established can hardly change over a short period of time. It would be very difficult to change your accent if you move from one part of the country to another with a different regional norm; it is equally difficult to transform the linguistic indicators of our social background (vocabulary and structural expression).

Occupational varieties are not like that. Their linguistic features may be just as distinctive as regional or social features, but they are only in temporary use. They 'go with the territory'—adopted as we begin 

4.4. An overview of functional style systems

work and given up as we finish it. People who cannot stop 'talking shop' even when they are not at work are rather an exception to the rule.

Any professional field could serve as an illustration of occupational linguistic identity. There are no class distinctions here. Factory workers have to master a special glossary of technical terms and administrative vocabulary (seniority labels, term of service, severance pay, fringe benefits, safety regulation) in order to carry out professional communication. To fulfil their tasks they develop jargon and professional slang, which set them apart from outsiders. The more specialised the occupation and the more senior or professional the position the more technical the language. Also, if an occupation has a long-lasting and firmly established tradition it is likely to have its own linguistic rituals which its members accept as a criterion of proficiency. The highly distinctive languages of law, government and religion provide the clearest cases, with their unique grammar, vocabulary, and patterns of discourse. Of course, all occupations are linguistically distinctive to a certain degree. In some cases it involves only special terms; in others it may be a combination of linguistic features on different levels as will be shown in the last section of this chapter.

4.4. Ал overview of functional style systems

As has been mentioned before there are a great many classifications of language varieties that are called sublanguages, substyles, registers and functional styles that use various criteria for their definition and categorisation. The term generally accepted by most Russian scholars

 

Chapter 4. The Theory of Functional Styles  I

is functional styles. It is also used in this course. A few classifications of the functional styles in modern English will be considered in thi chapter.

Books by I. R. Galperin on English Stylistics (1958, 1971, 1977) are among most acknowledged sources of stylistic research in this country.

Galperin distinguishes 5 functional styles and suggests their subdivision into substyles in modern English according to the following scheme:

1. The Belles-Lettres Style:

  1. poetry;
  2. emotive prose;
  3. the language of the drama.

2. Publicist Style:

  1. oratory and speeches;
  2. the essay;
  3. articles.

3. Newspaper Style:

  1. brief news items;
  2. headlines;
  3. advertisements and announcements;
  4. the editorial.

 

  1. Scientific Prose Style.
  2. The Style of Official documents:

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